The Catalan Flag
It’s exactly four years since I wrote this article and amazingly, the furore over The Estatut continues. Graeme at the South of Watford blog has done a good job of bringing things up to date at the end of 2009 with this post. Spain’s Constitutional Court is still to rule whether the Estatut is in violation of Spain’s constitution. The main sticking point, as discussed towards the latter end of this article, has little to do with greater Catalan political and economic independence and more to do with whether the article in the Estatut stating that “Catalonia is a Nation” is legal or not.
However, while legal bigwigs battle it out in court and politicians continue to make capital out of it, the more important point is does the average Catalan feel as passionately about it? As I found in the article, the answer is not really. There is deep skepticism amongst the general population whether much of the posturing over the Estatut by political parties really has the interests of the average man in the street at heart. Graeme states the case well saying: “I suspect it is an issue of far greater importance to the political and media elite than to the population in general, most of whom probably don’t include choosing their favourite article from the Estatut amongst their party games.”
The truth is, the Estatut is a perfect example of a liberal “red herring” i.e. an issue that liberal elites in the media and politics have defined as of supposedly vital democratic, political and economic importance but in reality, pales into insignificance when compared with far more serious state and corporate crimes taking place on a daily basis which ultimately have a much greater detrimental effect on the lives of Catalans and Catalonia.
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Originally Published: February 2006
A Spanish army General threatened to invade Catalonia if it goes ahead. A nationwide boycott of Catalan products is underway and the leader of the opposition has called it “a return to the 18th century”. It is of course the new Catalan constitution or “Estatut” which has rapidly become one of the most hotly debated issues in Spain’s young modern democratic history. Whilst some argue it’s a progressive political initiative, others say it’s a destructive and even illegal proposal that could spell the beginning of the end of Spain as we know it.
However, even for many Catalans, the exact details of the Estatut remain a mystery. “I don’t know what to think about the Estatut because it hasn’t been explained properly,” says Catalan textile entrepreneur Toni Gassó. “The politicians keep painting a rosy picture saying we will gain more control over our region but I suspect there will be a catch. As individuals, will we end up paying more, less or the same amounts of tax, social security etc? Its still not clear.” So what exactly is the Estatut and what is all the fuss about?
Essentially, the Estatut is a Catalan proposal for greater political and economic independence from central government in Madrid. Potentially, it will mark the next important chapter in centuries of regional struggles in Spain that have already resulted in one of the most autonomous power structures in Europe. Catalonia in particular has fought a long and bloody struggle for greater independence, the modern origins of which can be traced back just over a century ago to the “Bases de Manresa” – the first draft plan for Catalan autonomy. Inspired by the gradual demise of the Spanish empire, Catalonia was already emerging as a powerful cultural and economic region in its own right as the industrial era dawned.
An Assembly for the Bases de Manresa in 1892
A conservative Catalan nationalist movement “Lliga Regionalista” was subsequently founded and in 1914, achieved its first milestone with the establishment of the “Mancommunitat” – the first government of any kind in Catalonia in 200 years. It was soon destroyed by the 1923 military coup of Primo de Rivera but the founding of the second Spanish Republic in 1931 brought new hope. Francesc Macià helped establish the first Catalan constitution of autonomy in 1932 but once again, a military coup – this time lead by General Franco – plunged Spain into a 36-year dictatorship. It wasn’t until 1979 that the second Catalan constitution was established, enshrined once again by the revival of the Generalitat.
Catalan nationalist party Convergencia I Unió (CIU) subsequently went on to dominate local elections for the next quarter of a century until 2003 when it had to share power with two more radical left-wing parties – Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) and Iniciativa Verds-Esquerra Alternativa (IC). These parties have formed a coalition that has spearheaded the fresh drive for greater autonomy and so it was that in September 2005, the Catalan Parliament voted overwhelmingly to propose the Estatut. The Spanish Congress subsequently approved it for formal consideration with Prime Minister Jose Zapetero saying, “A strong Catalonia will make Spain stronger”.
Catalonia certainly does not lack autonomy as things stand. The Generalitat already holds exclusive jurisdiction in such matters as culture, the environment, communications, transportation and public safety. Even in regards of education, schooling is in Catalan meaning the only way to obtain an education in Spanish is privately. For Toni Gassó, this level of autonomy is sufficient in itself without risking alienating the rest of Spain. ”I think we already enjoy a decent level of control from Madrid. As a businessman, I’m particularly concerned because many of my customers are Spanish and I’m a bit worried there might be boycotts of Catalan goods if the Estatut goes ahead.”
Camp Nou, FC Barcelona v Real Madrid, Nov 29, 2009
In matters regarding health, justice and economic budgeting however, Catalonia shares power with the Spanish government and it is this latter point that has caused the most controversy. Catalonia lacks its own fiscal system thus the economic financing of the Generalitat depends almost entirely on funds raised by national-government taxation. Estatut supporters claim that reform is long overdue since Catalonia pays far more into the national Spanish coffers than it receives. Those against it say that this is a selfish and greedy attitude that could devastate the Spanish economy.
Such fears are unfounded however according to UAB Economist lecturer Rafael Boix Domènech. “The Estatut proposes a federal approach to a fiscal model similar to that of the European Union,” says Domènech. “It proposes that Catalonia simply collects and administers its own taxes whilst also paying the Spanish government for the cost of collective services plus an additional share for national solidarity. This is aimed at correcting severe deficiencies in the management of taxes and avoid dependence of the ideologies of future Spanish governments – a sensible move in view of the bad relations Catalonia has had with previous conservative administrations. People forget that the Basque Country and Navarra already enjoy this level of autonomy and there have been no catastrophic consequences for the Spanish economy.”
However, of the 40,000 word proposal, it is perhaps one four word statement that has caused the most controversy – “Catalonia is a Nation”. For some, this is in direct violation of Article 2 of the 1978 Spanish Constitution which states that the constitution “is based on the indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation” but at the same time, also refers to the “right to autonomy of the nationalities and regions.” The controversy centers on whether referring to any autonomous community of Spain as a “nation” may go against Article 2 meaning Catalonia’s claim to be a “nation” rather than a “nationality” has separatist overtones.
Much of the media and those on the right of the political spectum have seized on this issue with Popular Party (PP) leader Mario Rajoy blasting the Estatut as “an outrageous fraud” protesting that trying to make it compatible with the Spanish constitution is “like trying to give a hedgehog a permanent wave.” One of the most dramatic moments in the process so far was a declaration by Lieutenant General José Mena Aguado that Spain’s military would intervene if Catalonia was declared a nation. It is only 25 years ago since the last attempted coup d’etat in Spain was led by leaders of the army who were against the process of democratisation that was taking place in the wake of Franco’s death. On this occasion, the General was universally condemned and subsequently sacked although the PP said his statement was an “inevitable” result of the government’s decision to debate the Estatut.
General José Mena Aguado who threatened to invade Catalonia if it were declared a "nation" under the Estatut.
Meanwhile, several organisations have launched boycotts of Catalan products through websites such as “nacionalismo-no.com”. They appeal to Spaniards to boycott everything from banks that are known to support the proposal, to Catalan pet-food companies and cava. Josep Ferrer, Honorary President of cava producer Freixenet expressed his concern saying, “We are worried about the present political situation on our sales of cava. We are a Spanish company, with a global presence, and wherever we export, we always go with the Spanish flag.”
At the time of writing, President Zapetero has stated he thinks the Estatut will be passed “with a substantial majority” in Congress. It will then be down to the people of Catalonia to decide its future in a referendum. Whether or not it is passed, the Estatut has polarised political feeling across Spain and could turn out to have a huge bearing on which party wins the next national election.
More info:
It’s worth remembering that the only reason that the Estatut was taken to the Constitutional Tribunal was opposition from the Spanish right wing. The PP meanwhile has supported the adoption of a nearly identical Estatuto for Andalusia.
There is no legitimate debate about l’Estatut. The only so-called controversy is fostered by the post-fascist PP whose main political strategy has been the fostering of Catalanofobia.
As to whether this whole thing – or indeed the entire question of national independence – is nothing more than a red herring, I broadly agree with your introduction. If the aim for Spanish and Catalan workers should be revolution then questions of statutes of autonomy and so on are absolutely red herrings.
However, in greater autonomy from Spain, Catalonia genuinely has the opportunity of establishing a fairer, more egalitarian republican state. That said, there is obviously no guarantee that a bourgeois shift toward independentism would solve the problems in Catalan society. It would, however, likely produce a more radical political landscape from which very interesting fruits might be grown.
I have never stated my support for or against an independent Catalan state simply because I’ve never been able to see it as clearly as I do other political questions. That will remain my position for the time being.
Thanks for reposting your article.
Thanks for the thoughts. The hypocrisy of the PP supporting an Andalusian Estatuto and yet opposing a Catalan one says it all about that particular political party and I think it’s not worth wasting too much breath on them.
I absolutely agree that its unwise to entirely dismiss the whole Estatut debate as a “liberal red herring”. As you say, whatever the political capital being made out of it (by both left and right), it has the potential to create a far better society for Catalonia. However, the key word here is “potential”. It also has the potential not to change much at all – indeed, maybe even make things worse – and simply put power in the hands of local bourgeois rather than national ones.
The main danger I see is that of corporate power rendering any independent state irrelevant. Noam Chomsky once made a point along the lines of, “It’s much easier for corporations to bully small institutions (such as a Catalan government) than big ones (like the Spanish government).” The point is, devolution or moves towards independence therefore carry both pitfalls and opportunities for progress.
I would be in favor of an independent Catalan state therefore if it meant the opportunities for progress were definitely going to be pursued but can we really trust today’s Catalan politicians to pursue policies to improve the lives of people living in Catalonia if given the chance?
Or would they use it to simply enhance their own wealth and power and that of their corporate sponsors too?
I fail to see indenticity with the Andalusian statute. The term “nation” makes a whole lot of a difference. For one, it is a legal term used in the constitution.
All the fuss reflected in the media is right about that term.
So when we have a significative difference we cannot speak of identicity, nor of hypocrisy.
As to effects that concept has:
http://cataloniawatch.blogspot.com/2010/06/king-artur.html
El Estatut de “Da Vinci”
Como en el Código da Vinci, entre enigmas y arcanos misterios judiciales y, tras cuatro años de deliberaciones poco luminosas y un tanto espirituales, el Tribunal Constitucional, que es como una fuerza de cualidad divina al modo de la sabiduría, emitió una sentencia de lo más esotérica y tirando a mística, poco práctica y actualizada a los tiempos. Y como queriendo sacarse la cosa de encima, pues parecía que le pesaba como una losa. Dejando en su deliberación y razonamiento sumarial del Estatut, catorce artículos mutilados y tullidos.
El TC, actuando como el Espíritu Santo con su sentencia, describe una “realidad espiritual1 suprema y de definición única, sin llegar a convencer al más apostólico de los progresistas. Quedando la cosa como agua estancada en la charca de la verdad desnuda.
El Partido Popular, actuando como el “Priorato de Sión” con sus ideas cerradas como cerrojos sellados en plomo, cítricos y ácidos como un limón, se jactan en un auge de conspiración y sectarismo. Viendo al Estatut como el Santo Grial y teniendo miedo a descubrir, probablemente, toda la verdad, inventando teorías de complots y confabulaciones pensando que pueden intervenir los poderes ocultos.
Las teorías de Brown no son nada, comparadas con las de la señora Cospedal y el gran“Maestre” Rajoy que, cuando hablan de Catalunya, suelen hacerlo realizando afirmaciones donde sólo ven lo oculto y oscuro, sin aportar pruebas muy convincentes cuando se trata del Estatut, que es como un enigma sagrado para la derecha española. Actuando un poco como el Opus Dei de la novela de Brown. El Partido Popular aquí también estaría presuntamente involucrado en una conspiración para encubrir la verdadera historia del Estatut, que habría vivido dentro de una gran mentira fraguada por la derecha española, más arcaica desde los tiempos de la transición. Debe de ser terrible vivir con miedos paranoicos.
Igual los del Partido Popular se imaginan que en el museo del Louvre de París, o igual en un despacho oculto en las salas ovales de la Generalitat de Catalunya, está dibujada la postura del Hombre Virtuvio (dibujo realizado por Leonardo Da Vinci) con un mensaje críptico escrito en su costado y dentro de un pentáculo, y los artículos del Estatut dibujados en el pecho con su propia sangre. Puestos a exagerar, hagámoslo todos.
Como en la novela, aquí también se proponen dos misterios: ¿qué secreto intentan proteger los catalanes? ¿Quién planteo el asesinato? ¡Por Dios!, de momento aquí no ha muerto nadie físicamente, ¡Dios nos libre! Aunque, probablemente, algunos los paguen con su “muerte política” en las próximas elecciones. Porque tanta “confianza” mal medida les puede llevar al derrotero. Cayendo por afilados riscos para estrellarse en el malecón que domina el paisaje del pueblo soberano.
Se ve que el desarrollo de la historia de un pueblo requiere la solución de varios acertijos y anagramas, como los artículos del Estatut, que parecen para algunos más arcanos que pragmáticos, ignorando que emanan de la voz del pueblo catalán, que en lícito referéndum votó, en su día, decidiendo por la vía del sufragio, que suele ser camino permitido para expresar nuestra voluntad, dicen que de gran belleza y punto de encuentro de la libertad. Pero los del PP actuaron como los “Iluminati”, presentando recurso delante del TC y creyéndose como los “pura sangre” españoles, que no se detuvieron hasta que el macizo se ha desplomado ente acantilados hasta anular el resonar de los ecos.
Quizás la verdad del Estatut estremecería los cimientos de la Democracia española. Al final del libro del Código del Da Vinci, los personajes se enamoran. De momento, aquí con el Estatut, tal sentimiento no se ha manifestado, ni tampoco parece que tenga intención de que se produzca tal ansia de un amor tan complejo e imposible de reciprocidad y de llama pura.
Los grandes “Maestres” del Partido Popular puede que conozcan la ubicación de la “Clave”, la cual pueda llevar a la verdad del “Santo Estatut”, más de anagramas y de logotipos irracionales enquistados, que de borrador y artículos que respalden una identidad y filiación del pueblo de Catalunya. Aquí podríamos sustituir la Figura de Leonardo Da Vinci por la de “Sant Jordi”, que fue caballero catalán y que nos pilla más a mano.
Se desconoce si los del TC pasaron por alto que algunos artículos están igual escritos con tinta invisible, esa que sólo se ve con luz ultravioleta. Y claro, las incógnitas es lo que tienen, que en su dificultad está su gracia. Pues no sea que lo que de verdad asusta es la evidencia. Y, como en el libro, esta sentencia sea en realidad una gran mentira bien ensayada por las entusiasmadas criaturas de la derecha más conservadora, que visten de pureza y cincel perfilado sus mantos, diciendo que la clave está escondida detrás de un misterioso cuadro o sepultada debajo de cualquier Iglesia gótica. O en un dispositivo cilíndrico que no saben abrir. Los dispositivos que esconden mensajes secretos de este calibre no suelen llevar instrucciones, sería absurdo. Es igual, en sus creencias enajenadas, maquinan confabulaciones inimaginables, haciendo tiempo para esperar revelar al mundo la verdad acerca del “Santo Estatut” en el momento acordado. O tienen un plan de contingencia nunca revelado, que mantiene a la “organización” y su secreto a buen recaudo. Pero confundidos por su condición de criaturas, que les limita chocando contra las paredes del cielo.
“Custodios y guardianes de sus puertas serán para siempre el cáliz y la espada”. O sea, el Estatut y la justicia.
Al final del libro, Langdon, reflexiona sobre el acertijo y, de repente, recuerda los marcadores dorados en las calles de París que marcan el antiguo meridiano. Aquí, los marcadores y señales que muestren el camino pueden estar en una calle oscura de Madrid. Igual por la calle Génova, en una catacumba en los mismos sótanos del edificio. A saber.
“El manto que la cubre en su descanso no es otro que la bóveda estrellada”. Igual, algún día, se descubran los restos del verdadero Estatut, la encarnación de la “Divinidad Catalana”, excluida por la derecha española más agria y atrapada en el tiempo.
El misterio que ha acompañado estos cuatro años a la deliberación y resolución de la sentencia del Estatut demuestra el poder y la fuerza activa de jueces, que han ido puliendo el texto con sílex, que es piedra primitiva pero de puntas cortantes. En cualquier caso, el TC, en su misterio y desconcierto, interviene como el Espíritu Santo que, en principio, es una entidad espiritual de carácter excelso, muy cercana a la divinidad pero en cuestión de soluciones terrenales poco práctica y de desuso próspero, limitado y diferente a los misterios ocultos por su condición de servidores y ejecutores de la ley que está escrita.
La cuestión es si queremos creer en el pasado más enquistado, o bien evolucionar como pueblo mudable y no como nómadas de umbrías sombras profundas que siempre van buscando el camino torrente arriba torrente abajo. Desaprovechando y, a veces, ignorando el rumbo de la brújula que nos guía por la libertad y privilegio de decidir del pueblo llano. Alguien dijo una vez; que la democracia es un sistema de desconfianzas. Porque el Estatut no es una cuestión de fe, sino una parte de la “evolución” política y cultural, de una sociedad moderna dentro de una Europa confundida y con problemas de dineros. Pero eso ya es otra novela.
Sergio Farras, escritor tremendista.
Candide, I’m not sure if the PP’s objection to the Catalan Estatut is just based on the term “nation”. It seems that they oppose it full stop which is a bit hypocritical if they support the same thing happening in Andalusia don’t you think?
Besides, even if Catalonia did have its way and was referred to as a “nation”, I don’t think it would radically change the lives of those living in the region. Its not as if Catalonia would suddenly become significantly more democratic. Private tyrannies – in the form of unaccountable corporate power – will still largely dictate public policy as they do in any other “nation”.
You could argue it may be a step in the right direction to making a more democratic Catalonia but I think the whole “nation” debate is largely a liberal red-herring to deflect attention from the real sources of injustice and inequality in Spain i.e. not the Spanish state but the illegitimate power of corporations.
29 June 2010 Update: After 4 years of deliberation, Spain’s Constitutional Court finally agrees to allow Catalonia to call itself a “Nation”. Preference for the Catalan language over Spanish however was rejected:
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/spain/7861118/Catalonia-can-call-itself-a-nation-rules-Spains-top-court.html
Ok, I concede you this point on the mindset of the PP. That said, hypocrisy abounds in all parties.
I can actually better deal with a PP than with this unholy alliance of Catalan nationalists, precisely because what they offer is a red herring that, however well known and unmasked many times, still has the force to create major havoc.
For now, it is taking up precious time, money and effort that would be better spent on real issues. It has degraded a whole society to the level of squeaking monkeys, a society that once was culturally vanguardist, economically inventive and politically innovative. Barcelona once was a hotbed of creativity, today it’s a backward place that thinks only of its “indentity” problems.
Even the left has bought into this madness; there are no political alternatives anymore. And that’s why I find it easier to deal with the PP, its lies and its shortcomings.
I agree that the issue of Catalan identity is often used as a convenient distraction by politicians on both sides from more pressing social and economic issues facing the region. I know that many Catalans are sick of the way politicians use it as a political football while doing little to address issues like unemployment, the rising cost of living and housing problems.
I also agree that the political spectrum is now so narrow, that even between the PP and Catalan nationalists, the difference is not that significant. However, it’s a little bit like choosing between the lesser of two evils in my opinion such as Obama v Bush for example. There are more reasons not to support the PP and I’d always go for the lesser “evil”.
I’m interested to hear when do you think Catalonia was at its most culturally vanguardist and creative by the way? Personally I think the period surrounding the civil war saw some amazing initiatives and economic/social efforts in Barcelona that were some of the most daring, adventurous and progressive ever seen in the world.
When I was little my mom explained her vote with the “lesser evil” argument. I never understood that position. But it’s just an anecdote that comes to my mind.
At this time, “lesser evil” cannot be applied to Catalan nationalism. That might change if the PP gets a lot worse. I know what nationalism can do, I see the Cataloonies shutting themselves in and the rest of the world out, and if group cohesion grows more a feedback can be created that will make them violent. The combination of victimism, the perception to be on the right side and then the feeling of security offered by pertaining to a large, single-minded group are an explosive cocktail.
The PP plays a great bogeyman role. More than that I am certain that Spanish nationalists to the right of the PP (or also far right inside the PP) would be the antagonist needed to make the story complete. And then again: the looniest perception of reality can be found in Catalonia, where they top the PP’s instrumentalisation of the law by declaring themselves above the law.
You certainly know more than me about politics in the 20s and 30s, but I was indeed referring to that period (libertarian economic experiments, for instance). I was also referring to the 70s and 80s, e.g. new forms of making theatre.
Catalanism itself was once really progressive, but it has become bourgeois, self-satsified and void of any other social implication than just that pure “we want a country”.
I don’t think it’s a complicated concept to grasp. A lesser evil is by definition, less “evil” than the other options. We obviously have a difference of opinion over whether the Catalan nationalists represent a lesser evil over the Spanish state though.
I agree that the economic experiments, the collectives and equality movements conducted during the civil war are some of the most impressive in history. I’m not familiar with Catalan theater in the 70′s and 80′s but I’ll take your word for it.
I also agree that Catalan culture and politics have stagnated in recent decades in the push for nationalism. But the rise of nationalism shouldn’t be blamed on what you call “Cataloonies”. It should be blamed on the neo-liberal global capitalism that has given rise to it. Capitalism thrives on a race to the bottom – pitting everyone against each other – including countries and regions – with no regard for human life or humanity. The rise of Catalan nationalism is a natural response to the growing insecurity, inequality and economic strife neo-liberalism has brought to Spain. It is only natural that some people defend their own interests, rather than come together in solidarity, under such conditions.
I’m not saying its the right response but its where it comes from. Of course, the situation of Catalonia is accentuated by the fact that Catalans have their own language, culture and history which is quite different from other parts of Spain but I think under another political and economic system which encouraged solidarity, the different regions could co-exist together quite happily.
As to “the concept”… I did get it, but only theoretically. In praxis, I’ve decided not to vote rather than to look for the lesser evil. I’ve proven that one can spend many years doing that…
Theater: La fura dels baus, Els joglars…
I really cannot go so far as to blame evil corporations for the local haps. I would have nothing to back that up except some possible interests. No beef here. Maybe you can provide it.
And even if there were those interests, as human beings we can think for ourselves. If we don’t, and we’re Catalan, then we’re Cataloonies.
Yep, I’m quite severe and judgmental. I’ve seen too much of the same and got no time for niceties anymore.
I agree that continuing to vote when parties have little difference between them is largely pointless and genuine social change will never come from the current political system. However, I think the decision to vote depends on how marginal the differences are between the two parties. For example, there were marginal differences between Obama and McCain in terms of policies but for anyone sane, it made more sense to vote Obama than McCain because the Republicans were just going off the end of the right wing spectrum under Bush. Even minor differences can translate into significant differences when policy is implemented on a national scale. The recent health care reform in the USA – while a very minor improvement – is an example of this. Millions of poor Americans have benefited whereas under McCain they wouldn’t.
You probably know better than me whether the difference between the PP and Catalan nationalist parties makes voting for one or the other worthwhile or not but having an independent Catalunya could mean one that is marginally socially and economically more just and stable than one that is part of Spain. If so, its progress – no matter how minor – and should be supported.
As regards the devastating effect of corporate power on the world and Spain, unless you’ve had your head in the sand for the past 2 years, you can’t fail to have realised the role that corporate greed and financial institutions have had in causing the financial crisis which has caused Spain so much pain. These economic problems have given fuel to those who want to see an independent Catalonia. That’s not to mention the increasing power of the EU that’s working hand-in-hand with corporate power to take away national sovereignty. Just look at all the companies that have moved from Spain to Eastern Europe now that European subsidies have dried up.
It’s only natural that in the face of such helplessness and strife, many Catalans see independence as a way of regaining real control of their region. Some may say its a misguided one – but it is understandable.
Yes, Nick, as an analyst I see those differences clearly. Just that as a voter I demand “more”.
As to any hypothetic independent Catalonia… Nothing indicates it would be fundamentally different to any other state of the EU. Do you have any doubts it would be ruled by the same clique that’s in power here today?
I understand that in hard times people come to religion. That does not make religion good. It makes people sheep.
I’ve made an entry in my blog that also refers to the issue of classes. That issue is one of the major connecting points between your view onad mine, so I’d be more than happy if you want to give me a comment.
There’s nothing wrong with demanding more of politicians – it’s a good thing. But you said you don’t vote anymore and all I’m saying is that sometimes, no matter how disillusioned you are with our dysfunctional democracy, there are reasons to vote if circumstances are dire enough to require it. Voting for Obama was a good example – its called voting holding your nose. As I say, you probably know better than me whether the differences between the PP and Catalan nationalists is enough to merit voting.
As regards an independent Catalonia, I’m not saying Catalonia would be any different to any other state in Europe. All I’m saying is very obvious – that devolving power generally enhances democracy. Otherwise, if you feel that there’s no point devolving power because all nationalist politicians are corrupt, all states – including Spain – might as well surrender themselves to a one world government (which ironically is effectively whats happening via institutions such as the EU in Europe anyway).
I’m under no illusions that the same Catalan nationalist clique who run things today would also run things in an independent Catalonia. All I’m saying is that by bringing power slightly closer to Catalan people, it should be more democratic and I don’t think that’s a particularly controversial viewpoint. Ask Americans if they’d rather still be run by the British or have their independence – I think the answer would be unanimous.
Got your points and basically agree. The closer to you the better you control, which is the essence of democracy.
All I wanted to add was practicality: although the suckers are close to you, you might not move to give them more power because today’s reality might weigh more than any theoretical structural consideration.
Structural considerations might also lead you to counter the idea of immediacy: if the EU makes laws (eg. environment) that are not being pushed through locally then let the EU prevail.
I guess in politics one has to be quite utilitarian; without losing one’s principles. Tough job.
Hi, im writing a BA-project on the topic of the statue of catalonia.
Im trying to find out at the moment if possible. If any of the catalan parties have been changing their views on the notion of the statute. For instance if any have been against the statute and then changed their mind because of the debates or the other way around if any have been pro the statute and then changed to be accepting the decisions of the constitutional court and being perhapse not totally against the statute but at some point changed their minds.
You guys seems to be in this field, perhapse you know something.